The China Cultural Service, Taipei, 1950-52 Ten Vols. NT$90.50
It has been more than quarter of a century since Dr. Sun Yat-sen died on March 11, 1925. Yet for those who wanted to make a thorough study of either his life or his political thought a most complete collection of his writings was lacking until recently. Indeed, there have been many compilations of his collected works, made by different persons and published at different periods of time. Perhaps only two of these can be considered to be fairly complete ones. One is that which was made under the direction of the late Mr. Hu Han-min, a veteran leader of the Kuomintang. It was published soon after the establishment of the National Government in Nanking, just at the time when the study of Dr. Sun's life and thought was still in vogue. The other was made by Mr. Huang Chi-lu, former President of the National University of Szechuan. It was published in Chengtu during the Second World War. It seems that considerable improvement upon Mr. Hu's compilation has been made by Mr. Huang, as quite a number of Dr. Sun's letters and telegrams have been added to it.
At any rate, both Hu's and Huang's compilations are no longer available now. The former was out of print long ago, while the latter is now presumably banned by the Chinese Communists on the mainland. Under such circumstances, it is good news that the Central Editorial Board of the Party History has recently completed the publication of the "Chung Li Chuan Shu" (Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Collected Works)." For many years the Board has been working strenuously for the collection of the writings, letters, speeches, etc. of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Apparently, the Board deems it appropriate to bring its work to a successful conclusion at the present time. This compilation of Dr. Sun's works is supposed to be the most complete of all the compilations hitherto made. As the present writer has had an opportunity of reading the manuscripts, he should like to make a general survey of the book for the benefit of foreign readers.
The book is divided into ten parts, namely, the San Min Chu I or the Three Principles of the People, Revolutionary Plans, Sun Wen Hsueh Sho or The Theory of Sun Wen (Dr. Sun Yat-sen), Industrial Plans, Min Chuan Chu Pu or Primer of Democracy, Manifestos, Lectures and Speeches, Interviews, Letters and Telegrams, and Miscellaneous Writings.
The San Min Chu I, or The Three Principles of the People, is the most significant part of Dr. Sun's works. Its importance is to be seen from Article I of the Constitution of the Republic of China which reads: "The Republic of China shall be a democratic republic of the people, by the people, and for the people based on the Three Principles of the People." But it should be pointed out that this is only a series of lectures dealing respectively with three separate problems, namely, Nationalism, Democracy, and People's Livelihood. Dr. Sun had formulated and advocated the Three Principles for many years before he gave these lectures in 1924, the year in which the Kuomintang underwent an epoch-making reorganization. It was his original plan to write a comprehensive book on the subject, but unfortunately his manuscripts and all reference materials were destroyed by the gun fire of the rebel general Chen Chiung-ming in 1923. The present edition of the San Min Chu I has been checked against Dr. Sun's own copy of the first edition upon which he himself had made a few corrections. The book has been translated into several foreign languages, the best English translation being that which was rendered by Frank W. Price and L. T. Chen and published by the Commercial Press.
Under the heading of "Revolutionary Plans" are included those plans which were laid down by Dr. Sun for the carrying out of the Chinese revolution. Before the 1911 Revolution, he had drafted manifestos to be issued by the revolutionary government both for the people and for the foreign powers, regulations governing the relations between the people and the revolutionary army, the structure of the revolutionary army, military law, etc. Three years after the establishment of the Republic, Dr. Sun was convinced that another revolution was necessary since Yuan Shih-kai, the first President of the Republic, made it clear that he wanted to restore the monarchical form of government and make himself an emperor. Therefore he reorganized his party into "The Chinese Revolutionary Party" and laid down detailed plans for it.
The third part of Dr. Sun's collected works is "Sun Wen Hsueh Sho," which is also entitled Psychological Reconstruction. In this volume, he explains his theory that "to understand is difficult, to do easy." He wrote this during the First World War. He advanced the theory as a result of the fact that quite a number of his followers were disappointed at the failure of the revolution. They all believed that to understand a thing is easy, but to do it is difficult. By this they explained away their failure. To overcome this psychological obstacle, Dr. Sun suggested to his followers that doing is easier than understanding. If you should understand a thing, there would not be much difficulty in realizing it. He devoted four chapters to illustrate his point. For the same purpose, he also wrote a chapter on his personal experiences. He intended to show that where there is a will, there is a way. This chapter may be read as Dr. Sun's autobiography.
The next part is Material Reconstruction or Industrial Plans. This was originally written in English and published in 1921 with the title International Development of China. In the opinion of the present writer, the importance of this book is second only to the Three Principles. As a matter of fact, this is Dr. Sun's scheme pf the industrialization of China. Altogether there are six plans. The first three plans deal with the construction of great sea ports and the railway systems connected with them, improvement of river navigation, and development of shipbuilding, cement and metallurgical industries. The continental railway network is mapped out in the fourth plan, in which the problem of manufacturing of locomotives and cars is also discussed. The fifth plan has to do with food production, clothing, housing, transportation, communication and printing, while the last chapter is devoted to various kinds of the mining industry. In the International Development of China, Dr. Sun also discusses the problems of capital and technical skill. His view is that in these matters China should ask the United States and other highly industrialized countries to help. He hopes to build a socialist state out of China by means of foreign capital.
Min Chuan Chu Pu or Primer of Democracy constitutes the fifth part of Dr. Sun's Collected Works. This is nothing but a body of parliamentary rules with detailed explanations and illustrations. It tells the reader how to organize clubs and how to call meetings. It explains the procedure of proposing motions, discussion and voting. Other matters of procedure have also been discussed. As most Chinese people do not know how to hold meetings, it is necessary that they should acquire such knowledge as is provided by Dr. Sun in this primer, since according to his Principle of Democracy, the second of his Three Principles, the people have the democratic rights of election, recall, initiative and referendum. This part of Dr. Sun's Collected Works is also called Social ,Reconstruction which, together with Psychological and Material Reconstruction as stated above, forms his well-known Plans of National Reconstruction (Chien Kuo Fang Lueh).
In the sixth part of Dr. Sun's Collected Works are included all the manifestos issued either in his own name or in the name of the party but apparently drafted by himself. These manifestos were intended to state his or the party's views on important political issues. Some of them were made on important occasions which became milestones in the history of the Kuomintang. Every time when the party underwent reorganization, it issued a manifesto stating reasons for it. The most important manifestos are as follows, namely, the Manifesto of the Hsing Chung Hui of 1894, the Manifesto of the Tung Meng Hui of 1905, the manifesto of 1912 announcing the formation of the Kuomintang as an ordinary political party, and the Manifesto of the First National Congress of the Kuomintang of 1924.
Dr. Sun's Lectures and Speeches are to be found in the seventh volume of Collected Works. He was a very eloquent speaker. During his lifetime, he had made innumerable political speeches and scholarly lectures. Before the founding of the republic, he had made speeches in Tokyo, the most important one of which was that delivered on the first anniversary of the Min Pao in 1906. This was probably the first time that he had made a comprehensive statement of his Three Principles. In the first year of the republic, he made speeches in every city he visited, almost always emphasizing the importance of the Principle of People's Livelihood and national reconstruction. It is very interesting to note that one can see from these speeches and lectures what innovations and modifications Dr. Sun made in his political philosophy. In 1924, when the reorganization of the party took place, he did a great deal of speech-making. His purpose was to arouse the revolutionary spirit of the party members and urge them to learn new revolutionary methods.
Besides these speeches and lectures, the authentic records of his interviews are also good materials for the study of his political views. Compared with the previous volumes, this part of Dr. Sun's Collected Works is rather thin. The ninth part is composed of his letters and telegrams. For the study of his life and the history of the early years of the republic, these materials are indispensable. The last part of Dr. Sun's Collected Works includes his miscellaneous writings. Miscellaneous though they are, there are quite a few important books or valuable articles. Only the important ones can be indicated here. His Kidnapped in London (Bristol, 1897) is a vivid account of how he was detained illegally by the Chinese Minister to the United Kingdom in 1896. The Life-and-Death Question of China is a booklet which he wrote during the First World War. In it one may find his views on the diplomatic problem which was then confronting China. "The True Solution of the Chinese Question" is an article written in English by Dr. Sun in 1906 while he was staying in the United States. "The History of the Chinese Revolution" is a long article written for the Sheng Pao in 1923.
Now that the whole book is published, it will certainly be welcomed by all those who are interested in Dr. Sun's life and thought. They can find considerable amount of new materials in it which should be regarded as a great improvement as compared with the earlier compilations. — Shu-chin Tsui
The New Soviet Empire
By David J. Dallin
Yale University Press, 1951, 216pp.
One of the most important developments in the postwar world is the increasing understanding of the true nature of Soviet Communism. During the wartime people had serious misconceptions of Soviet Russia. They made the mistake of believing that Stalin had given up the plan of world revolution and that he was a man with whom we could live at peace. Postwar Soviet policies have, however, shown that all such expectations have been false. In the course of a few years Stalin has succeeded in building up a new empire which is growingly endangering world peace. In recent years a great number of books have appeared which have done a good deal to help understand the new pattern of Soviet aggrandizement. Mr. David J. Dallin's works stand out and the book under review is his latest publication.
As a participant in the Russian revolution and now a refugee scholar in the US the author has direct access to Russian sources. This study is based on an intensive analysis of the course of action the Soviet Union has taken after the war. It is a perceptive and highly informative book written with commendable objectivity. The material is organized and compiled in such a way as to bring the manifold and intricate questions of postwar Russia into a coherent treatment and make it a convenient reference for those who may be interested. The book consists of twelve chapters. The first four chapters deal with the new empire, Soviet prestige and power, and the problems relating to the international position of the Soviet Union. Chapter V gives an interesting account of the psychological sources of Soviet aggressiveness. Chapters VI-XI are concerned with the question of nationalities, the new social structure, the role of Communists, and the loopholes under the planned economy. The epilogue is a general survey together with some significant political observations on Soviet Russia today.
The author begins by pointing out that up to the late 1930's the Soviet Union had shown little evidence of a drive toward empire building. It was not until 1939 that it began to reverse its course by embarking upon an unprecedented expansionist move. The result is that it has today succeeded in bringing into orbit a chain of satellites ranging from Europe to the Far East. The new expansionism, according to Mr. Dallin, differs from the old Russian concepts and methods in three respects: First, the present goal is to conquer the whole world while the old Russian policy always dealt with limited objectives such as an area in Turkey, a slice of Poland or a region in China. Thus it is more difficult to satisfy Stalin than the Czar. Second, while traditional empire building was brought about by armed forces, the Soviet imperialists operate through fifth columnists. Third, unlike the old Russian empire the Soviet government has so far refrained from annexing the satellite territories, thus maintaining the fiction of their sovereignty.
Lenin refers to imperialism as the final stage of the development of capitalism, the outstanding characteristics being the economic exploitation and political control of foreign countries. If imperialism is really what Lenin defines it to be, the relationships of Soviet Russia with its satellites, according Mr. Dallin, fall clearly in the scope of this definition. The only difference between Western and Soviet imperialism is the methods employed. In the West it usually took years or decades to accumulate capital abroad. The Soviet Union, on the other hand, has accomplished this overnight through sheer military and political power.
The present reviewer finds it extremely interesting to read the section of the book dealing with the theoretical basis of the Soviet state for it applies most fittingly to the Communist rule over the Chinese mainland today. Mr. Dallin writes:
"More than once, and contrary to its own official theory, Moscow has demonstrated that under certain conditions and for limited periods power becomes the primary factor in history, while economic phenomena are products of and deviations from it. The well-known Marxist formula has been reversed: power serves as the 'foundation' and economy as the 'superstructure.'"
"Power lies at the basis of the Soviet state; naked power was used to carry out the social transformations; power serves to 'socialize' half of Europe and Asia. Power is the midwife, Marx once said, at the birth of a new society. Moscow has proved that in the East the impact of power reaches far beyond this initial phase in the life of a society, that it in itself is a factor of tremendous significance, and that the entire history of our days and years moves under its impact." (P. 25)
What Mr. Dallin speaks of Stalin applies also to Mao Tse-tung. Like Stalin, Mao has come up by force. So he looks down upon political weakness or purely ideological influence. He respects nothing but strength. To him it is not economy but political power that counts. Like Stalin, he never stops to think whether the economic conditions in China are ripe for socialism; he simply makes use of force to carry out the ruthless redistribution of land.
Mr. Dallin is right when he asserts that the non-Soviet world which rejects Marx's theories has become exceedingly Marxian in explaining Communist successes. In exploring the causes of the Red menace one is apt to point to the low standard of living in countries like China and the East European satellites. On the basis of this reasoning, the Marshall Plan was drawn up and carried out. Strangely enough, Stalin does not think so.
A section in the book on the nationalities and nationalism has particular significance for those who have followed the trend of events in postwar Russia. The author makes clear that nationalism has been growing fanatically in the Soviet Union after the war. Domestically the Russian element of the Union has been strengthened. Externally the Soviet Union as a whole has expanded. While socialism was promoted in the early years of the revolution, nationalism is the order of the day at present. As class distinctions in the sense of Soviet ideology have withered away, national distinctions have come more and more to the fore. Today the term "class struggle" is seldom used. Even the word "class" is rarely found in literature and public speeches. The whole union is viewed as a uniform, consolidated nation.
It is estimated that there is a total of 7,000,000 Communist Party members in the Soviet Union today. The bulk of them joined the party during and after the war. As the first generation of Bolsheviks fought against tzarism and capitalism, they were inspired by the ideal of the social revolution. The latest recruits fought against the Nazi army, so their political training was concerned with foreign aggression rather than Communism. This explains in part why the Russian Communists today are all ultra nationalists.
With respect to the economic development of Soviet Russia Mr. Dallin admits that it has reached and even exceeded the 1940 level of production. The prewar economic system has been restored and expanded. Industrialization is being carried out with special emphasis on war industries. The kolkhoz was reformed in 1950 and has since become more rigid and centralized than before. All these have been achieved in keeping with what is known as the restoration and further development program.
It must be remembered that this restoration program is by no means limited to the economic field. It applies to practically all other aspects of life. These include political affairs, party work, the art and science, and ideology. The idea is not only the restoration of the prewar level, but an improvement upon it. As a result, the party machine has been strengthened. Purges have been held against people in all walks of life. Postwar ideological purges have perhaps been the most notorious. Mr. Dallin points out that the restoration program has served the political system well. Never before did the Soviet state have more rigid control than it has today.
However, this is not the whole story. Beneath the surface, the security of the Soviet position is at stake. According to Mr. Dallin, the Russian people are generally dissatisfied with the Soviet rule. After three decades of tyranny they have become tired, despondent and mute. Yet they are far from docile. They are too intelligent to be fooled. As it is practically impossible to rebel, they have to wait - wait for help from the outside world. Under the present circumstances, the Russian people can not possibly shake off their shackles until there is an international development to help them.
What is true of the Russian people is also true of the satellite countries. Mr. Dallin observes that the Soviet group of nations and territories, loosely knit and held together by awe and force, is apt to fall as rapidly as they were brought together. History teaches that great empires collapse easily. They usually fall as a result of war. If there is today a remote chance of removing the Red dictatorship without war, that chance lies in the diplomatic front. In our times diplomacy serves as ersatz war, for the blows it deals can be hard and telling. If the Kremlin is compelled to make one concession after another to the free world the psychological effect alone will be serious.
After the experiments of Napoleon and Hitler a foreign military expedition can not hope to conquer Russia. Russia's problems must be solved by the Russians themselves. But outside help is essential. So the author suggests a pro-Russian and anti-Communist policy for the free world to follow. Undoubtedly that is a good idea.
At the time this book was written some important data of, say, the Soviet-controlled mixed companies in the Far East were lacking. It is hoped that this gap will be filled if a new edition is prepared. — Hsiao Tso-liang